On Tuesday afternoon, Washington appeared ready to side with the civilised world. President Donald Trump’s administration “will agree to support Ukraine in the event of a future Russian attack”, read a document cobbled up in Paris by European leaders and ranking members of the US governing clique.

Convoys slid through slush and into the Élysée Palace, bearing leaders from France, Britain, Germany, Italy, Spain, Poland, Denmark and Canada. Emmanuel Macron, France’s president, had summoned the group under the banner of a “coalition of the willing.” The task was brisk: reinforce Ukraine, defend Greenland’s status and weigh what both crises reveal about a shaken security order.

The plan would give Ukraine the binding guarantees it craves. Crucially, it offers a United States pledge to back a European-led military force. “These elements will be European-led, with US participation, including US capabilities such as intelligence and logistics, and with a US commitment to support the force if it is attacked,” the text states. That language—firm yet conditional—anchors frantic diplomacy now under way in the French capital.

Paris on Tuesday, 6 January hosted the so-called coalition of the willing, a club of Kyiv’s main allies. On the pro-Russian side, Steve Witkoff, special envoy, and Jared Kushner, Mr Trump’s son-in-law, headed the American delegation. Their task ostensibly was to align Washington’s promises with European plans for a ceasefire, a monitoring mission and a post-war “reassurance force”.

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First pillars

Emmanuel Macron welcomed leaders into the snow-cloaked courtyard of the Élysée Palace. National-security advisers spent December shaping today’s talks; now presidents and prime ministers must seal them. Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Ukraine’s president, flew in early. He told Telegram followers that “important negotiations” should “give more protection and strength to Ukraine”.

Inside the palace he pressed Mr Macron for missiles. Later he posted on X: “Diplomacy and real assistance must go hand in hand. Russia does not stop its strikes against our country, and right now we need to bolster air defense to protect our people, our communities, and critical infrastructure.” Each missile delivery, he added, “saves lives and boosts the chances for diplomacy.”

Media obtained the summit’s draft communiqué. It promises “politically and legally binding” measures, including “military capabilities, intelligence and logistical support, diplomatic initiatives, [and] adoption of additional sanctions.” The wording echoes Mr Macron’s end-of-year pledge of “concrete commitments” to “protect Ukraine and ensure a just and lasting peace.”

Momentum, not finality

Mark Carney, Canada’s prime minister, cooled talk of an immediate deal. “This is not a make or break,” he said. “There’s a lot of momentum in this process.” He hinted that details could be “improved or adjusted” after Paris. European officials, however, already call the American offer of troops and intelligence a game-changer.

The reassurance force would stay behind Ukraine’s front line while Kyiv’s army holds it. One European aide notes that the proposal “closely resembles” the American backstop sought for months. Mr Zelenskyy wants guarantees for up to half a century; current wording grants 15 years, with an option to extend.

Each missile delivery (…) saves lives. — Volodymyr Zelenskyy, President of Ukraine

The Kremlin stays mute. Russia still demands Ukrainian withdrawal from parts of the Donbas—territory it has failed fully to seize since 2022. Mr Zelenskyy keeps refusing. For now, allies focus on air-defence batteries and surveillance links, assets they can supply whatever map emerges.

Greenland drifts into view

The agenda stretches north. Over the weekend Mr Trump called Greenland “so strategic” and again mused about acquiring it. Mette Frederiksen, Denmark’s prime minister, warned that any NATO assault would spell the alliance’s end and “post-second world war security.” It would, she said, end “everything.”

Seven European leaders echoed her. “Greenland belongs to its people. It is for Denmark and Greenland, and them only, to decide on matters concerning Denmark and Greenland,” their joint statement declares. Arctic security, they insist, “must be achieved collectively, in conjunction with NATO allies including the United States.”

Stephen Miller, the White House deputy chief of staff for policy, scoffed on CNN. “What right does Denmark have to assert control over Greenland?” he asked, putting the island’s population at “30,000” rather than about 57,000. “Nobody is going to fight the US militarily over the future of Greenland,” he added. Donald Tusk, Poland’s prime minister, shot back: “No member should attack or threaten another member of the North Atlantic Treaty. Otherwise, NATO would lose its meaning.”

Venezuela’s echo

The Caracas raid compounds unease. Secretary of State Marco Rubio skipped Paris after American forces captured Venezuela’s president, Nicolás Maduro. That move unsettled Europeans who now rely on the same Washington for Ukrainian guarantees. Yet few leaders condemn the operation aloud; they still want America’s radar, logistics and cash.

Mr Zelenskyy tries to keep focus on the eastern front. Weekend remarks to Ukrainians stressed that meetings in Europe “must become yet another contribution to our defence.” Kyiv, he said, would prepare for diplomacy or for “continued active defence if the pressure from our partners on Russia proves insufficient.”

Europe thus wrestles with three pillars. First, Ukraine’s need for weapons and written promises. Second, Denmark’s demand that allies resist any Greenland grab. Third, the wider question of whether the American-led order can survive simultaneous crises.

Three worries, one order

All sides recognise the imbalance. Europe denounces land-grabs yet depends on American armour. Washington talks of sovereignty while eyeing Arctic real estate. Mr Macron and Keir Starmer, Britain’s prime minister and summit co-chair, aim to publish a final communiqué before Denmark’s parliament debates Greenland tomorrow night.

NATO assault on reenland would end everything. — Mette Fredriksen, Denmark’s prime minister

The draft statement combined the pledge of an American shield (Bloomberg) with a list of tools (Reuters). It promised a monitoring mission, a truce framework and channels for fresh sanctions. European capitals see a chance to tie Washington to the plan—an ambition never certain in the Trump era.

The resulting document may not end the war, but it could give Ukraine breathing-space (and Denmark some reassurance). It would also test whether America still anchors the security architecture it built.