The European Commission faces two separate no-confidence motions from the far-left and far-right. The Left group and Patriots for Europe aim to unseat President Ursula von der Leyen, months after she survived a July censure vote.

The no-confidence calls are Brussels‘ theatre season: the plots are predictable but still win some applause. The European Commission faces renewed threats from opposite political extremes. Both rebellious factions need 72 MEP signatures to trigger a vote. While the Patriots can meet the threshold alone, the Left required allies.

The Left group, with 46 MEPs, said on Thursday morning they had secured 26 more signatories. The group courted Greens, Socialists and Renew Europe members. Four Italian Green members pledged support, said MEP Leoluca Orlando (Greens-EFA/ITA). Centrist groups, meanwhile, called frequent motions “not ideal”.

No cooperation!

Grievances vary. The Left’s motion attacks Ms von der Leyen’s Gaza stance and the EU-Mercosur trade deal. “Faced with genocide, there can’t be half measures,” said Manon Aubry, the group’s co-chair. It also condemns Green Deal rollbacks. The Patriots’ draft  accuses her of opacity and weakening the EU-US and Mercosur trade pacts.

July’s motion drew 175 votes, way below the required threshold. Despite that, cooperation amnig the rebels is ruled out. The Left “will not ask” Patriots or Conservatives for help, said Thomas Shannon, the group‘s spokesperson. The Patriots, using the same logic, aim to act solo.

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Centrist allies, however, are likely to shield Ms von der Leyen once (or twice) again. “Discussing a motion every two months isn’t ideal,” a Renew official was quoted as saying.

The price, however, may be steep. The Socialist and the Greens may try to extract more concessions from the Commission in exchange for their support. The Socialists, Renew and Ms von der Leyen’s own European People’s Party hold a majority, with the Greens largely backing her climate agenda.

A high bar

To topple the Commission, a motion of censure must clear a daunting bar. At least two-thirds of votes cast in the European Parliament—representing a majority of all 705 MEPs—are required. Such a vote would unseat President Ursula von der Leyen and her entire college of commissioners. The process begins if one-tenth of MEPs back the motion.

Parliament’s rules mandate a plenary debate within 24 hours of a valid motion and a vote within 48 hours. Signatories can withdraw, voiding the motion if support falls below 72.

After verifying signatures, the Parliament’s president must inform lawmakers immediately. A plenary debate follows within 24 hours, with a vote held at least 48 hours after debate opens. Proceedings conclude by the next plenary session. Signatories can withdraw support; if the 10 per cent threshold lapses, the motion dies. Voting occurs by roll call, exposing each MEP’s stance.

A history of failures

History shows such efforts rarely succeed. Nine attempts have been made since 1990. The first, launched by the far-right Group of the European Right, targeted agricultural policy. It failed spectacularly: just 16 MEPs backed it, versus 243 against. In November 2014, after the so-called Luxembourg Leaks exposed tax deals for multinationals, the Eurosceptic Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy group led the charge against Jean-Claude Juncker’s Commission. Again, only 101 of 670 MEPs supported it, far below the threshold.

Other motions focused on issues ranging from mad-cow disease (bovine spongiform encephalopathy) to budget disputes and mismanagement at Eurostat, the EU’s statistics agency.

Discussing a motion every two months isn’t ideal. — a Renew official

Just once has a Commission fallen to a censure threat — and at that time, no formal vote occurred. In March 1999, Jacques Santer’s Commission resigned pre-emptively amid fraud allegations and transparency failures. This followed three survived motions on unrelated matters. The move spared MEPs a vote but entrenched the motion’s reputation as a nuclear option.

Added pressure

For Ms von der Leyen, the rules offer both shield and vulnerability. While the high bar protects incumbents, public roll-call votes force MEPs to declare loyalties (a feature absent in 1999). Yet reversals remain possible until the vote. The requirement for a ‘double majority‘—two-thirds of votes cast plus a majority of all MEPs—adds further insulation.

The bids highlight Ms von der Leyen’s fragile position. Progressives rage over Gaza and policies not green enough; nationalists decry the same policies as too green, and are quick to conflate the Commission misdeeds with the erosion of national sovereignty. Yet the censure vote’s high bar likely ensure her survival, if the centrists shaky unity holds.

The mechanism underscores Parliament’s evolution from talking shop to co-legislator. While censure motions seldom succeed, they amplify scrutiny. The threat looms as a reminder of accountability – even if the odds of ouster remain slim.