Morocco could face a hit to its EU funding if it fails to honour migration commitments, under a new resolution on the Ceuta crisis. The text also condemns the weaponisation of irregular migration as a form of hybrid warfare and takes aim at Spain’s mass regularisation policy.
With 339 votes in favor, 225 against, and 16 abstentions, the European Parliament adopted a resolution on the migrant crisis in Ceuta and Melilla, Spanish exclaves in North Africa. The lawmakers expressed “deep concern regarding the large-scale regularisation policy pursued by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s government, which acts as a pull factor”. The amendment was lastly added and suggested by MEP Assita Kanko (ECR/BEL).
Following failed attempts to reach a common position with the S&D and other political groups, the text proposed by the EPP was passed with the support of right-wing groups such as ECR and Patriots. One amendment suggested by the S&D, expressing regret over the suspension of the Schengen area between Italy and Spain decided by the Meloni government, was rejected.
What happened
Beyond the State of the Union address, the political clash during the European Parliament’s plenary session in Strasbourg centered on Ceuta. The migration crisis involving the Spanish enclave, where approximately 60,000 migrants entered the town in just a few hours, has had lasting repercussions that continue to dominate the European agenda.
Since that July 30th event, the issue has remained a priority for EU institutions; the already packed September plenary schedule was even modified to accommodate a dedicated debate on the humanitarian and security situation in the city, where around 1,500 migrants who did not return to Morocco remain, living in precarious conditions.
In addition to calling on the authorities in Rabat to ensure cooperation and compliance with bilateral and EU agreements, the resolution mentions a proposal for a mechanism to revoke or suspend EU development aid funds in the event of a breach of these agreements.
The political clash
The ECR group spearheaded the resolution, the text of which was being refined right up to the last moment. The convergence of political groups was a key factor. Iratxe García Pérez, leader of the S&D group, drew her red line: “We expect Europe to show solidarity.” She stressed that her group would back the EPP’s proposal if it focused on threats to territorial integrity. “But if they seek to exploit the Ceuta issue to attack the Spanish government, we will clash,” Pérez said.
In short: the Socialists stated that if the text turned into an attack on Pedro Sánchez’s government, they would vote against it. That is indeed what happened, yet it was not enough.
“I must reiterate: when the right and the far-right adopt the self-serving narrative of those who caused this situation — claiming that what happened to Spain is the fault of its migration policies and linking the extraordinary regularisation process to the Ceuta crisis — then, given those premises, there is no possibility of reaching a resolution,” Pérez said.
“We will always reject double standards: we cannot accept a situation where solidarity is shown when the borders of countries like Poland or Lithuania are threatened, only for the attitude to change simply because the government in question is social-democratic,” she concluded.
Reply from ECR
Responding from afar regarding the ECR’s intentions, the co-president MEP Nicola Procaccini clarified: “We can negotiate with other groups, but our non-negotiable limit is the exclusion of any support, explicit or implicit, for the Spanish government’s mass regularisation of irregular migrants.”
As Ms Pérez stated, the S&D was clearly open to negotiating a joint resolution on the Ceuta crisis. It wanted the text to be “framed within a European context and aimed at proposing a European perspective for resolving the current situation.” She accused the EPP of using the resolution “to attack a government rather than to express solidarity with a country”.
Consequently, the outcome following the vote was the emergence of a so-called “Venezuela majority”, a coalition on this issue comprising the EPP and the far-right.
ECR group co-chair Patryk Jaki left no doubt about the resolution’s objective. “My personal call to the Spanish Prime Minister is for him to resign; that would be the best solution for everyone,” he said.
Not everyone is on board
The Greens also attempted to work on the resolution to reach an agreement, but, as co-chair Terry Reintke reiterated, there is “significant polarisation” regarding Ceuta.
Following this line, Renew leader Valérie Hayer questioned the way forward: “To what extent are we ensuring European solidarity? We must focus on tools that are already in place, such as the Pact on Migration and Asylum. Let’s not drag Frontex or other issues into this. We don’t need new rules, but rather the implementation of texts that have already been voted on,” she added.
For The Left, the figures don’t add up. As MEP Ilaria Salis explained, “the EU spends millions of euros to fortify this stretch of African territory. On July 30, controls were mysteriously relaxed”.
Brussels pushes back
However, according to Commissioner for Migration Magnus Brunner, the crisis in Ceuta was a “test of the European system’s resilience”. Since the majority of the people who entered the exclave “returned to Morocco within a few hours, and no one entered the Schengen area, its integrity remained intact, thanks also to the Spanish authorities and cooperation with Morocco”. Yet, the MEPs in the chamber did not seem to have listened to his speech.
Reassurances also came from Commissioner for the Mediterranean Dubravka Šuica, who has been “in constant contact with Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita since day one, and there is no evidence that they are exploiting the situation or ‘weaponising’ it”.
Nevertheless, she acknowledged the demands made by the ECR. “Our strategic partnership agreement is currently suspended because we want to see that they are truly committed and willing to help us resolve the issue,” she said.